A political history of the state of New York. 1909. Vol.III

:\ POLITIC"~l~ HISl'Ol{\r OF THE STATE OF NE\V \~ORK BY DEALVA STASWOOD ALEXA~DER, A.M., LL.D. Member of Congrei'M, Forrr~(JI Cnittd Statf~ Attorney jor t~ ~YIJ"T'tli.ern !Ji11trict of Seu: Y"rk Vo1.. III 1861-1882 ~EW YORK HENRY HOLT A~D COMPANY 1909

CdtrawHT. JM, av HE!'<R\" HOLT ASD C0~1PANY l'ubl1>llai, i:i<!iit.:mber, lW.i THI ouuo· .. SOI>Ell co. PUSS lt.AS:WAY, !f. J,

CO~TE::\TS VOL. III I. TnE Uen.1sr.irG OF TIIE ~onTrr. 1861 II. NEw P.rnTY AuoxMENTH. 18fH Ill. "TUE :\L~D DESPERATION OF HE.\CTl0!-1." 1862 13 81 IV. TICC'RLOIV WEED TRl!ilfl Hu; S.uLH. 1863 ::13 V. GoVERNOR SEYllot:n AND Pm::;mEsT L1scour. 1863 61 YI. SEYUOt:R REllt:XED. 1863 i3 VIL :"Tm"~: oF RA.Im'.\!.• \ND CossERi;".\TIVE. 186-t Ylll. ::IKYMou1\'A P1n;~un::nrAt. F1.:n;1c 1864 98 IX. FESTON DEn:.\T~ :-;nMot:u. l~tH 115 X. A CmtPLETE CH\StJE m· Pol.Jn'. 1:'<6.:1 127 !XI. HAniosu Cfl.\)JP1os~ TUE PHr.~u1t:xr. 1~ 136 XII. II·i~·nn:> lh;n..\'n:u. ('ONKL!S.. PRO)!OTED. 1866 l!ID XII I. XIV. xv. Tm; H!~E 01• Twn:m~,1. ll:'t}7 172 ~Ento1m .\SI> 1foFF)L\S. 1"'ll>l 189 Trn: :-;nn: C.\IU:!rn ll\' FR.H'l>. 18t38 208 XVI. lm'Lt:'E:Xl.'F. m· .\losEY r:x SE.'iATom.u. ELECTIONS. 186!1 . 219 XVII. xvm. Tw~~EI> Cmrrno1.s TIIE STATE. 11'<69--70 223 Co:nu.rna Dt1f'£AT8 FE:>T-ON, 18i0 232 XIX. TWEED Wrss .\ND F.-1.LLS. 18";'0 240 XX. Cosia.r!ff1 Pcsr;;nEs GREELEY. 1871 XXL Tu.DEN CnusnES TAYMANY. 1871 XXII. Ga1n;LEY Xoin:-1.\TEP FOR P11E~IDE:>T. 1872 XXIII. DEFEAT AND DEATrr OP GREELEY. 1872 XXIV. TH.DR:S DESTUOYS Hts 0PPOSE.STS. 1873-4 . XXV. RrvALRY OF TILDE:<; AND COSKLlNG. 1875 , XXVI. DEFEAT OF TDE REPGBLICAN MACIIISE. 1876 XX.VII. TILDEN ONE VoTE SHORT. 1876 iii 265 276 291 S(}lj 821 3a2 S40

iv CONTENTS .XX\'111. Cmuu.rNo A.SD Cr:11TI8 AT Hocm.:sTER. 1877 XXIX. Tiu: TILDE.'! lti:ouo; l~or:nm. Hffj' X.XX Ou&N1.uc.u:11s ::;un: IU:J>cuuc.\S::l. 1878 XX.XI. lh;>iovu OP A..BTHUR AND Cort..'iELL. 1878-9 XXXll. Jons KELLY ELEl:-"r!l CoasELL. 1879 X..XXlll SULW.Un" .L'fD HALF-BRKED. 1880 XXX1.... TILD.F:X, KELLY, A,.'llD DEFEAT. 1880' XXXY. Co'.\'KLDi•I Dows AND Ot-T. 1881 . XXXVJ. l:Lt-.\'ELL"ID'b EsoltXon llA.1o:a1TY. 1881-2 PJ.GJ!: 358 378 389 399 411 428 447 464 483

A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF NE\V YORK

A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF XE\V' YORK CHAPTER I THE UPRISI~G OF THE XORTH l&ll Wmrn politicians indecently clamoure<l for office, as in– dieated in the eoneluding ehapter of the preceding volume, President Lincoln, whenever eseape from the patronage hunt– ers permitted, wn~ eonsidering the wiiidom of provisioning Fort ~nmter. Urave douLt ohtaiued :is to the government's physical ability to imceonr the fm·t. but. aR1'Uming it pos– sible, was it wise as a political mt"lll'ure? The majority of the Cabinet, in.eluding Seward, rnted in the negative, giving rise to the repott that Sumter would be abandoned. Union people generally, wishing to f;Uppol't the hra•e and loyal action of Major Anderson and hb: little band, vii.?orously protested against sueh an exhibition of weakness, and the longer the Government hesitated the more vigorously the popular will resented such a poli<'y. Finally, on Mal"Ch 29, in spite of General 8cott's adviee and Secretary Seward's opinion, the President, guided by public sentiment, directed a relief expedition to be ready to sail as early as April 6. Me3nwbile a Confederate <'onstitution had been adopted, a Confederate flag raised over the rapitol at 1fontgomery, and a. Confederate Congress assembled. which had author– ised the enlistment of 100,000 volunteers, the issue of fl,- 1

THE lJPRISI~G OF THE ~ORTH [Cn.u>. I. 000.000 in t"'a11ury noh'l'I, and thr org-anisation of a navy. To takl' dm~1· of milit:ir.'' 01~·ratium~ at Charleston, the t_'ot1ft•1h•ratP J!'Owrnnwnt <·ornmi~l:!ione<l Pierre T. Beauregard a brig111Jier·_gl'ner:il and plaeed him in eommand of South Carolina. Beauregard t)llkkl_v learned of Lincoln's decision to re· lien• ::-;umter. and upon the Confederate authorities de– l'Oired the grave respom1ibility of redudng the fort before the relief expedition arrivl'd. In diseussing this serious qm'l<tion Hobt•rt Toombs, the Confederate secretary of state, did not bexitate to dedare that ·•the firing upon it at this tirue is suidtlt>, murder, and 'll:ill lose us e\'ery friend at the ~orth. You will wantonly strike a hornefs nest which ex– tends from mountain to oeean, and legions now quiet will nrnrm out and sting us to death. It is unnecessary; it puts us in the wrong; it is futal.'' 1 Xeverthele~~••Jeffef"l'(m Davis, already overborne by pres8llN' fr11rn ~outh Carolina. ordered Heaut"<"gard to demand irl< evaenation. and. if 1-efused. "to reduce it."~ Answering Beauregard'i; aiclftil. who 8ubmitted the demand on the after– noon of Apt·il 11, Anderson 1'f.'fused to withdraw, adding. "if ~·ou do not hatter the fort to [lieN•s ahont u:;:, we shall be i>tar-n'll out in a few days:·' ~ To this mes~age the Con– fednate ~eeretm·y of War replied: ·· Tlo not desire need– lei<i;ly to hc:omhard Fort Rumter. If )Jnjor Andet'flon will state the time at whieh. us indieated h;> him. he will evacu– ate, and agree in the meantime he will not use his guns again.Ht Uf! unle8!' our:;: should he employed against Sumter, you are authorised thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or its "'4tuivalent be refmied. redure the fort as your judg– ment del'idei- to be the most practicable.'' 4 Four aides sub– mitkd thi!-1 proposition at a quarter before one o'clock on the morning of April 1~, to which Anderson, after confer- ' Plea~nt A. StoyalJ, Lifr of R<>Mrt ToomM, P- 226. •Official Record!!, Vol. 1, p. 297, 'Ibid., pp. 13, 59. •Ibid.. p. 301. Dans's mesS11ge to the Confederate Congress, April 29; :Yoore's Rebellion Record. Vol. 1, Docs. p. 171.

1861] A PROPHECY FULFILLED 3 1·ing two hours and a half with his officers, replied, " I will evacuate by noon on the 15th instant, and I will not in the meantime open ftre upon your forces unless compelled to do so by some hostile act against this fort or the flag of my Government, sh9uld I not receive, prior to that time, con– trolling instructions from my Government or additional supplies." 3 The aides refused these terms, and without further consul– tation with Beauregard notified Anderson t hat in one hour their batteries would open ftre on the fort. Prompt to t he minute, at 4.30 o'do<'k in the morning, a shell from Fort Johnson, signalling the bombardment to begin, burst directly over Sumter. At seven o'clock Anderson's force, numbering one hundred and twenty-eight officers, men, and non– combatant labourers, who had breakfasted upon half rations of pork and damaged rice, began returning the fire, which continued briskly at ftrst and afterwards intermittently until the evacuation on Sunday afternoon, the 14th inst.' Within twenty-four hours the prophecy of Robert Toombs was practically fulfilled, for when, on Monday, April 15, President Lincoln called for 75,000 State militia to execute the laws, the people of the North rose almost as one man to support the government. "At the darkest moment in the history of the Republic," Emerson wrote, " when it looked as if the nation would be dismembered, pulverised into its original elements, the attack on Fort Sumter crystal– ised the North into a unit, and the hope of mankind was saved." 7 Much speculation had been indulged respecting the atti– tude of New York City. It was the hea.rt of the Union and the home of Southern sympathy. Men had argued coolly and philosophically about the right of secession, and journals of wide influence daily exhibited strong Southern leanings. Owing to business connections and social intercourse with the South, merchants had petitioned for concessions so offen· •Official Records, Vol. 1, pp. 14, 60. •Ibid .• Vol. 1, p. 12. ~ J . E. Cabot, Life of Ralph Waldo Emerson, p. 605.

4 THE UPRISING OF THE NORTH [CHAP. I. sive to Lincoln that Southern statesmen confidently relied upon their friendship as an important factor in dividing the North. On many platforms Daniel S. Dickinson, James T. Brady, John Cochrane, and others equally well known and iuftucntia1, had held the North responsible for conditions that, it was daimed, were driving the Routh into secession. So recently as December 20, in a meeting of more than or– tlinary im11ortance, held on Pine Street, at which Charles O'Conor presided, and John A. Dix, John ,J. Cisco, William B. Astor, and others of similar character were present, Dil'k– inson declared that " our Southern brotllers will reason with us when we will reason ·with them. . . . The South have not offended us. . . . But their slaves have been run off in num· bers by an underground railroa<l, anll in:mlt and injury re– turned for a constitutional duty. . . . If we woul<l remain a united people we must treat the Routhern States as we treated them on the inauguration of the government-as political equals." 8 In a speech at Richmond on March 14 Cochrane promised that ~ew York wouhl sustain Virginia in any policy it adopted,9 and on April 4 a Confederate commissioner, writ– ing from Manhattan, reported to Jefferson Davis that two hundred of the most influential and wealthy citizens were then arranging the details to dec.:lare New York a free eity. 8everal army offirers as wen as leading ship-builders, snhl the Jetterj had been found responsive, throng-h wlto;.;c as– sistance recruits from the ranlrn of the <·onr->pfrators wc>re to seize the navy yard, forts, and wi:iscls of Wal', and to hold the harbor and city.~0 "\Vhile nothing was known to tlw friends of the Union of the cxistem·e of su('h a c'.onspiracy, deep anxiety prevailed as to how far the spirit of rebellion which had manifested itself in high plates, extentled among the population of the great metropoliA. 'Life and Spcecl!e.9 of D1111!rl S. Jlk1;i11so11, Vol. 1, pp. 700·702. •New York TrHmnc. '.March 15, 1A61. ••Letter of .John W. Forsyth, :MSS. Confec1ero.te Diplomatic Cor– respondence, April 4, 1861.

ltUllJ TlH' gun!! uin11 .. •1I u.t ~umtf'r, lum ...n ·1-. 1p1i1·kly 1n1111\·1•1l the itnprl'Nl!iOTI that t}W j.!;f't'{1 tl Of l'Olllllll'l'n• W:ll' !<ll'OIJj!l•r than tbt• lon• of 1·ouutry. Thi• ~tcwk Exd1ani.:" r1•1m11111lt•d with enthusiastic! dwt't'li for .:\lajor .\wh.·ri<ou. aml ~;i ·iu• ro11H loan!! 8howt'll that the weiglll of the tiuaudul urn) lr;uh• t1!lltre of tltt! ('ountry was on tlw sidt• of th1..• 11ati11t111I ~uvnnmt•nt. Hut more <·onvindng pl'oof of a :-;olid Xorth fom1tl t'Xjll't:'~sion in the spirit of the great nu•t>tin~ h1.•l1I al. 1·uiuu ~11uar'e on Saturday, April :!O.. Xothing likt> it hn<l c:wr· b1•M1 S<•en in Alllel'iei1. :Hen of all rnnks. profe~sions. and t'J"t'f.>1ls united in the cfonJCmstration..\r·ound six plarfnrm~. (•ad1 on'upi('d with a eorps of patriotic orator.;. an illu~trfou" :Ht<lience. numbering some of the most falJlous l>t>mo1:rat8 of the ~tat<'. who bad quitkly c.lisearded politieal prejucfo·es, 11too<l !cir hours listening to loyal utteran1·es that were noh1y illus– trated by the valour of '.\fajor Anderson, wboRe p~nee in· <·rea~d the entbusial-lm into a deafening ro:1r of !'eflf'ated cheers. If :rn.v doul;t heretofore exhited as to the ri~ht of coerc·ing a li-itate, or upon v.·hom rested the respon:;tibility for beginning the war. or wh<> wrl"e tJse rt'nl enemit•l:! of the Cnion, or where pt·ominrnt lllf•mlwl"l'I of the Oemocrat.ic party would stand, it had now disappeared. The partisan wa.11 l<Hlt in the patriot. Daniel S. Dickinson travelled two hundred miles to be pres€nt at this meeting, and his attitude, assumed without qunlifieation or reservation. espedall~· plea~ the lovers ot the L'nion. Of all men be had retained and proclaimed his predilections for the South with the zeal and stubbornness of an unconverted Saul. Throu~hout the long diM·nssion of twenty years his sympathy remained with the South, his am– bitions centred in the South. and his "\\·ords. v;hether so in– tended or not. encouraged the ~outh to l1elieve in a divided North. But the guns at Sumter changed him as quickly aa a voice converted St. Paul. " It were profitless," he said, bis eyes resting upon the torn flag that had waved o,·er Aumter - " it were prnfitless to inquire for original or remote cauaes; it is no time for indecision or inaction. • . . I would anert

THE CPRISING OF THE NORTH [CHAP. I. th•• l"•wer of the gorernment over those who owe it alle– ~ian~·t• and uttempt itH on•rthrow, as Hrutus put his signet to tlu• denth-wurrant of his ~on, that I might exclaim with him. · .Ju>;tiee i.t1 i,1ati~tied, and Rome is free.' For myself, in our federal relution~. Tknowhut one section, one L"nion, one ftag, on!.' government. Tlrnt ~ction embraees every State; that Cnion ill the rnion 8':'aled with the blood and conse– erate<l li,\· the tear:l of the re,·olutionary struggle; that flag is the ttag known anti honoured in every sea under heaven; that gon~rnruent is the government of ·washington, and Adams, and .Jefferson. and Jackson; a government which ha.I' shit>lded and protected not only us, but God's oppressed children, who have gathered under its wings from every por– tion of the globe.'' 11 Fernando Wood, until recently planning to make New York :in independent city, now declared the past buried, with its politi<·al assoeiations and sympathies, and pledged the muniripality, its money and its men, to the support of tbe rnion. " I am ~·ith you in this contest. We know no party, now." 12 Of the fifty or more speeches delivered from the several platforms, perhaps the address of John Coch· rane, whoee ridiculous Richmond oration was scarcely a month old, prored the most impressive. Cochrane had a good presenre, a elear, penetrating voice, and spoke in round, rhetorical periods. If he SQmetimes illustrated the passionate and often the extravagant declaimer, his style y;as fini~hed, and his fervid appeals deeply stirred the emotions if they did not always guide the reason. It was evident that he now spoke with the sincere emotion of one whose mind and heart were ti.lied ~:ith the cause for which he pleaded. In his peroration, pointing to the torn flag of ~umter, he raise-d the vast audience to such a pitch of exdtement that when he dramatkally procJaimed his motto to be, "Our country, our whole country-in any event, 11 Life. Letter1t. and Spttrllet of Daniel S. Di<'kinson. Vol. 2, pp. 4-7. 11 New York Tribu11e, April 22, 1861. New York Times, New York H t:'rold, April 21.

1861] MONEY AND TROOPS FrR~ISHED 7 a united country,'' the continued cheering was with great difficulty suffidently SUJJpressed •o allow the introduction of another speaker.13 Of the regiments called for ~ew York's quota was seven · teen. Governor Morgan immediately communicated it to the Legislature, which authorised in a few hours the enlist· ment of 30,000 volunteers for two years. Instantly every drill room and armory in the State became a scene of great activity, and by April 19, four days after the call, the Seventh New Yol'k, each man carrying forty-eight rounds of ball cartridge, received an enthusiastic ovation as it marched down Broadway on its·way to Washington. There– after, each day presented, somewhere in the State, a similar pageant. Men offered their services so much faster than the Government could take them that bitterness followed the fierce competition.u By July 1 New York had despatched to the seat of war 46,700 men-an aggregate that was swelled by December 30 to 120,361. Loans to the govern– ment, offered with an equally lavish hand, approximated $33,000,000 in three months. To aid in the purchase and arming of steamships and in the movement of troops and forwarding of supplies, Presi– dent Lincoln, during the excitement incident to the isola– tion of Washington, conferred extraordinary powers upon Governor :Morgan, WilUam }I. Evarts, and Moses H. Grin· nell, to whom army officers were instructed to report for orders. Similar pov.·ers to a ct for the Treasury Department in the disbursement of public money were conferred upon John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford. These gentlemen gave no security and received no compen– sation, but" I am not aware," wrote Lincoln, at a later day, "that a dollar of the public funds, thus confided, without authority of law, to unofficial persons, was either lost or wasted." 15 The Union Square meeting appointed a Union Defence ,. New York Herald., April 21, 1861. 14 New YorkTribune, July 21, 24. 10 F. W. Seward, l<ife of W. H. Sficard, Vol. 2, p. 552.

8 THE UPRISING OF THE NORTH [CJI.U'. I. f 'ouimittf'f' tc1 rai111~ m<>nt'J, prcn·i(Ie lillJ>plie!:!, uud equip regi– m.-nts.. I•or the time thiR <·ommitt(>e h€l·nuie the executive arm of th~ nationnl govi>rnml'nt in New York, giving method to elfort and t·ontt•ntrhting the J>eOple's energies for the bigheNt ettkienry. ,John A. ])ix, who had seen sixteen yeal.'8 of 1ieuc.•e M''l'vlt't' in the regulur nrmy, equipped regiments and dffiJmtched tbt•m to \Yn!'hini.rton, while .James S . ·wads– W{1rth, a man without military experienre but of great pub· lie spirit, l\·ho~e f·onra1,-e and energy espeeially fitted him for too 'llt·ork, loaded steamboats with provisions and accom– JlftDit.'<i tbt>ru to Annapolh1. Boon afterwards Dix became a major-genernl or l'olunteers, while \Vadsworth, eager for :idh'e i;ervke. accepted an appointment on General Mc– l~:nn~ll's staft with the rank of major. This took him to .Manassas, and ll'ithin a month gave him a'' baptism of fire" whkh distinguished him for coolness, high courage, and gre~t eapadty. On Aul{ust 9 he was made a brigadier– genernl of volunteers, thns preeeeding in date of commis– •ion all other New Yorkers of similar rank not graduates of W011t Point. A few wreks Jater Daniel E. Sickles, no less famous in the political arena, 'llrbo was to win the highest renown as a ~bter, ret,~h-ed Bimilar rank. Sickles, at the age of twenty· two, began public Hte as a member of the APsembly, and in the •nctteding fourteen years served as corporation at– torney, aecretary of legation at London, Rtate senator, and <'~n. A Bunker in politics, an adept with the re· volver, and. fearle• in defenre, he had the habit of doing his own thinking. Tammany never had a stronger person– ality. He w-.u not always a successful leader and he cared little for party discipline, but as an antagonist bent on hav– ing bill e>wn way bis name had become a household word io the metropolis and in e-0nventions. In the anti-slavery C'nm&de bis sympathies were Southern. He opposed l ..inooln, ~favoured compromise, and he €neouraged the cot– ton States to believe in a divided North. Nevertheless, when the Union was assaulted, the soldier spirit that made him

1861] HOPE OF A DIVIDED NORTH DISSIPATED 9 major of the Twelfth National Guards in 1852 took him to Washington at the head of the Excelsior Brigade, consisting of five regiments, fully al'med and equipped, and ready to serve during the war. He reac-hed the capital at the time when more regimen ts were offered than General Scott would accept, hut with the energy that afterward characterised his action at Gettysburg he sought the President,. who promptly gave him the order that mustered his men and put him in command.16 Other leade1·s who llad Yoked Southern senti· ments, notably John Cochrane, soon found places at the front. Indeed, those who had professed the warmest friend– ship for the South were among the first to speak or take up armB against it. The Confederates, entering upon the path of revolution with the hope of a divided ~mth, exhibited much feeling over this unanimity of sentiment. "Will the city of New York' kiss the rod that smites her,'" asked the leading paper in Virginia, "and at the bidding of her Black Republican tyrants war upon her Southern friends and best eustomers? \.Vill she sacrifice her commerce, lier wealth, her population, her (;haracter, in order to strengthen the arm of her op– pressors? 11 Ten d:iys later anothel' influential representa· tive of Southern sentiment, watching the proceedings of the great Union Square meeting, answered the inquiry. "The statesmen of the North/' said the Richmond Enqu-ircr, "heretofore most honoured and confided in by the South, u "He went direct to the President, and asked him, in proper language, if he approved of the petty intrigues that sought. to defeat bis patriotic purpose. 'I know nothing of them, General,' said the President, 'and have onlJ' this to say, that, whatever are the obstacles thrown in your way, come to me, and I will remove them promptly. Should you stand in need of my assistance to hasten the organisation of your brigade, come to me again, and I will give or do whatever is required. I want your men, General, and you are the man to lead them. Go to the Secretary of War and get your instructions immediately.' "-New York Heraid, :Ma.y 17, 1861. 1 ' Richmond Ea:aminer, April 15, 1861.

JO TUE UPRISING OF THE NORTH {Ca.Al'. L have <'ODle out nnff{niv()('ally in favor o! the Lincoln policy 1>f cool'<'ing aod !lubjugating the South." 18 The Charleston Men:1&ry called the roll of these statesmen in the several Atates. ·· Where,'' it asked, "are Fillmore, Van Buren, f'o~:hrant>, lkKeon, Weed, Dix, Diekinson, and Barnard, of ~ew York, in the bloody crusade proposed hy President Lin– c-oln against the Sooth? L'nheard of in their dignified re– tirem('nt, or bounding on the fanatic warfare, or themselves joining •the nc)ble army of martyrs for liberty' marching on the 8outb." a Other papers were n() less indignant. .. "'e are told," ~id the Richmond E:raminer, " that the whole North ii1 rallying as one man-Douglas, veering as f!ffr with the popular breeze; Buchanan lifting a treacher– oua :rnd time-serving voke of encouragement from the icy atm~phere of Wheatland; and well-fed and well-paid Fill– more, eating up all his past words of indignation for South– ern injurif1!l, und joining in the popular hue-and-cry against hill apet'inl bent>faetors." 20 The Enquirer, speaking of Daniel S. Diekinwn aa ·• the former crack champion of Southern Rights,'' sneered at bis having given bis "adhesion to Lin– t-oln and all bis abolition works." ' 1 To the South which belined iD the constitutional right of secession, the contest for the Union was a war of snbjugati()n, and whoever took part in it was etigmatieed. "The proposition to subjugate,'' said the Enmi•er, "comes from the metropolis of the ~orth'a boasted consen·atism, even from the largest bene– fteiary ol Soutbern wealth-New York City." 22 In tl!e midst of the patriotic uprising of the North, so dls&ppointing and surprising to the S011th, an event occurred th-at cast a def!P shadow o¥er ~ew York in common with the ~ of the eomatry. The press, presumably voicing public opin~ demanded that thE army begin the work for which it Ya.ti orpaiaed. Many reasons were gh·en-some quixotic, l!IOIM ban of supieion, and otbei:s whoUy unworthy their ll0111'C'e. Tk New York Tribune, in daily articles, became •April H, 1~1 . ,. April 23, 1831. .. April 2•, 1861. •April 2.t, 1861. • April 30, lMl.

1861] THE BATTLE OF BULL RUN 11 alarmingly impatient, expressing the fear that influences were keeping the armies apart until peace could be obtained on humiliating terms to the North.23 Finally, on ,June 27, appeared a four-line, triple-leaded leader, printed in small eapitals, entitled "The ~ation's \'Var-Cry." It was as man– datory as it was conspicuous. '' Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond! The Rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there on the 20th of July r By that date the place must be held by the National Army:" 24 This war– cry appeared from day to day with editorials indicating a fear of Democratic intrigue, and hinting at General Scott's insineerity.~~ General Scott did not approve a battle at that time. Be thought the troops insufficiently drilled and disciplined. On the other hand, the President argued that a successful battle would encourage the country, maintain the unanimity of the war sentiment, and gain the respect of foreign governments. General .McDowell had 30,000 men in the vicinity of Bull Run, Virginia, of whom 1,600 were regulars-the rest, for the most part, three months' volunteers whose term of en– listment soon expired. At Martinsburg, General Patterson, a veteran of two wars, commanded 20,000 Federal troops. Opposed to the Union forces, General Beauregard had an effective army of 22,000, with 9,000 in the Shenandoah \Talley under command of Joseph E. Johnston. In obedience to the popular demand McDowell moved his troops slowly toward Beauregard's lines, and on Sunday, July 21, attacked with " Jime 24, 1861. " Ibid., June 27. ""Do you pretend to know more about military affairs than General Scott? ask a few knaves, whom a gt"eat many simpletons know no better thfln to echo. Xo, Sirs! we know very little of the art of war, and General Scott a great deal. The real question -which the above is asked only to shuffle out o:f s\ght-is this: Doe~ General Scott contemplate the same ends, and is he animated by like jmpulses and purposes, "\vith the great body of the loyal, liberty·loving people of this country? Does he want the Rebels routed, or would he prefer to have them conciliated?"-Ibia., July 1, 1861.

l e THE !IPlW'i I~G OF 'l'IIE NORTH [CIIAP. l. his ~·!wfr· forl·i>, gaining- a <'1mq1h·h~ \·ido1·y by threr. o'clock ia tlw af rnuomi. ~Ieanlin1t•, hown!'r, ,Johnston, ha,·ing Pi udt'il l'a!fl•l'!!!<li , lmtnght co t lll' field at the supreme mo– m~~nt. t w•i 1it' thre·1• thoui:;and fn·~h (.1·oopi; and turned a Con– fedN::iie <.\l>fl':Jt iuto a lfniou r out and pauic.20 After (·uuhlP){8 :mil 1·oniidenee had clisplatcd the confusion 01· this wild stampede. it liecnme c:lea1· that t he battle of Bull Hun had ht>t>n well planned. nnd that for inexperien<:'ed and 1mdi1'!l·iplinP1l tr()ops )kDowelFs army had fought hrnvely. It 111•pr~.i11.·1l plnin tbat had Patterson arl'ivcd with 2,300 fff'Mb troop~ iul'ltt•ad of .Johnston, the Confederates must han· !wen 1hP routed and panic-isti'icken party. To the ~ortb. howe,·er, df'feat was the sonree of mm·h shame. It seemed a Vt' t·ifkation of the Routhcrn boast that one Con– fed.:•1·ute couM whip two Yankees, and deepened the con– \'kliou that the war was to be long and severe. Moreover, fear wu~ expressed that it would minimise the much de– J:Jir~•l Mympathy of England anrl other foreign governments. But it brought no abatement of enr.rgy. With one voice the pl'e$1i! of tht! Noi·th demanded rene'"'·ed activity, and before a Wl1t..'c!c bud elapsed every department of govemment girded itself anev.- for the conftid.27 The vigour and enthusiasm of t.lli$ 1.eriod have been called a second uprising of the North, and tbe work o! a few weeks exhibited the wonderful reti!Ource.i; of a pittriotk people. "Of 49' ·ngiments engaged, 19 were from New York, and of the 3,3.U k.Uwl. wounded. and missing, 1.230 were New Yorkera.-Of– :tclal Reoordl!. Series 1, Vol. 2, pp. 314, 315, 351, 387, 405, 426. "~e thee ~ew York Tribaine, Herald, Time.s, World, Brening Post, July 22, 2~ 25, and later dates.

l'Il.\PTER I I XEW P.\HTY .\Llfi\'."~1E~T:O: 18fJ1 Trrn battle of Bull Run fomr-nted mutterings, freighted with antagonifm1 to the war. t\•rrnin journal:.l violentl.v re– sented the !!llSJK'llfiion of the wr·it of lw/Jrn8 ct~rpu8. while the Ad of Congress, approvetl August :~. prodding for the free– dom of slaves employed in any military or naval Rervice. <·alle4l forth Ruth extrrme dennrn·iation~ that the United P.tates grand jury for the ~outhem nish•if't of ~ew York asked the Court if the authorR lH'l'f' suhjf'et to int.lidment. .. Th(·~~ m·w~pa1~·r:.l:· 1 said the furt•nwn. "nrP in the frc– qut>nt prndke of t'lll'011ta~ing tht• rerx•1s now in arms against the> Ft>deml Gon:t·nnwnt h~· exprt•f\Ring i:,vmpathy and agree· nwnt with th1•m. the dut~· of HPe1•1lir.g to th(•ir dt>numds, and 1lissatisfadion with thl' t•mployrnPnt of foree to oVeN'ome tlu'ttL Their ('Onduet if;. of ('Ollrf;I:', 4·ond11mned antl abhorred h,v all loyal mt>n, but the grand jnr,v will be glad to learn from the Court that the.\· are nlf;o f;UhjPd to indietment an<l eondign punishment." The l'o).ltmaRter-fteneral's or– Mr extluding such journals from the mails intensified the bitterness. The arrests of person:;: eharged with j.!iVing aid ancl comfort to the enemy also furnished partisans an op– portunity to make people distrustful of such summary methods by magnifying the danger to personal liberty. In a word, the Bull Rnn disaster had be('ome a peg upon which to hang sympathy for the 8outh.2 1 New York Jo1trnal of Com11ter'l'f. 3lms, Day-Book. F'rtt1'1Jtm'• Jm'r"al, Brooklyn Eaplt'.-Appleton·~ Eneyelopeclia. 1861. p. :\29. •"I have had a conversation this morning with a prominent Dem()()rat, who is entirely devoted to sustaining the go\·ernment 13

SEW PARTY ALIGNMENTS [CHAP. II. Di1Jer1•n1'l'l'I lilu•wise UPI*ared among Republicans. The w~~d and anti·Weed fudiom; still existed, but these di– vi111iom1 n111i· l{rt'W out of difft>renc·es far deeper than patron– :lgl_'. .\rtt-r tlw Lombartlment of Fort Humter, Thudow Wl~cl 1h•!>ired the contliet eondueted on lines that would unitP the ~orth into one part~· responding to the cry of .. Cuion. now und forev-er:· He helieved this might be done arnl that rebellion eould tbu!,l be ronfined to the extreme t·otton rPgion. if the loyal elenwnt in the Border States was t·heri~lwd aIJd I't'pl't'St'ntatives of all parties were permitted to purtii·ipan! in dril as well as military affairs. To this end he souglH to amid the question of emanripation, cor– dially npproying the President's course in modifring Fre– wont's prodamation of the preceding • .\.ugust, which liberated the slan·s of traitorous owners in ~1issouri. Weed pushed his contention to the extreme. Following the ~1, irit of ltif> rt>jt>eted com11rnmise he insisted that every act of tl1e Govn·nu1ent should strengthen and eneourage the l'ni11n men of tlu~ Border States, among whieh he included ~orth f 'urolina and Tennessee, and he bitterly rcRented the polky of mging the army, hastily and without due prepara– tion, to fight ·• political battJes " Iike that of Bull Run. On the other hand, the radical anti.slavery element of the coun– try, Jed 1'y ~retary Chase in the Cabinet, by Senator Sum– ner in CongreRs, and barked by Horaee Greeley in the Tri– bum:. disliked the President's policy of trying to conciliate Kenh1cky and other Border Rtates by li8tening to the de– mandR nf slavery. This factional difference became doubly pronounl'ed after Lincoln's modification of the Fremont prod ama tion. Notwithstanding Democratic criticisms and Republican dilfen>nt-es, however, the supporters of Lincoln, anxious to in the pre!lt'nt struggle. He informs me that the leaders of that party arlo' opposed to the war and sympathise with the South; that they ht>p quiet beenuse it will not advance their Yiews to move just now." Letter of William Grav dated September 4 to Se<>retary Chase.-('hase Papers, MS. . ' '

15611 THE TWO PARTIES L\lL TO !.' ~ITE 11 tt~ad1 the se1.·eding ~tateM au objf'<'t h."!ii'!On iu patriotii'lm, di.>· l!irt>d to nuire ootL. partil':-1 into uue l:nion orgtl llil'~llion, pleclged to t be vigorou!I pro~·•: lH ion of tltl' war and the exe– c~ u t ion or the law11 in ull part11 of till' eountt·y. To Re1•uhli· nrni:< thil'> plun kl(Jked ea:-y. ~Jm;t Jl(>tJple prnft~sed tn fnnml" the pN'SPrrntion of the l'nion, and thousa nds of young mt•n irrel.lJl(•ttire of part,\' had 4:nliH>tetl for the imppn'li'Sion of u1•rt1t1 •l rehl'lliou. Morf'f1n:·r, a union of pl\l't ies at rH11·b tl er it ii-aI moment. it was argn\'tl. would be more ht-IJ,ful io dis\"onraging the South than ,·fr-tor,,· on the battlE'field. Ac· cordingly the Uepubliean ~tat!.' ('ummi ttee propnsed to the Demoeruts earl~· in AUb'l.1:-t that in the elel'tion to oecur on Xcn·emfx>r 4 a single tkkN be nominated, fairly 1•epre– sentati,·e of all parties upon u i'imple war platform. About Dean Rkhrnon11, ebail-m:m .,f the Demneratfr :;:rate Committee, still <'lustered Peter Cagger, William B. Lud– low, Ranford E. Church. nnd other 8oft leaders, wirh Horatio f:t>ymour st1bl'!taotinlly ia control. These men had not partitipated in the rnion ~•1t1a re meeting on April W, nor hnd tlu:ir sentinwnti- hE>E-n vokf'c1 11inee the fall of F-0rt ~umtl•r ; bur it wai. \\·ell known tha t their vie\vs di1l not coinc'i1le with those of Tlnniel S. Dlckimmn, .John .A. Dix, Jam~ T. Brady, Greene C. lk(m,:on. ::incl other 1emlt•ris of the Hard~. RkbmQntfs reply. th1?refore. ~;ns not disap– pointing. He admitted the ~·ia•iom of filling publie oftlree with pure anil nble men who commanded the confidence of the people, nnd suggested, with a pin~ of 111u·t>:u1m, that if i:uch an example were set in fil1ing Federal ofti~ it would probably be followed in the !!election of State officers. Bnt the politit•s of men in office. he continued. was of little im- . portnnee <'Ompared to S-Ound prin<'iples. Democrats woold unite with all eitizens oppoSE>d to any w:ll' and equally to any peace which is based up-0n the idea of the ~paration of these Rtates. and \Yho regard ir the du:ty of the Federal government at all times to hold out terms o-f penee and ac– commodation to the dissevered Statesi. " Our political system," he contin11ed, '~was founded in

lG NEW PA.RT\~ ALIGN~IENTS [CIIAP. II. t·o111prun1illl.', and ii l'llll 1wn•r l1t• tll~ltonuur:; hlP in any A<l111i11i!>tratiun to !4t'l'k t<• rt>:'!tol't..' it b.v the snnH' means. Above all. tlw.\· l'!'J1t>I th1• icfra that ttu'n• f•xists hehn~n the two !'t' d i•Jlls of t hr ( · ulon l"ttdt an im·ompatihility of institutions 314 to ~in~ 1·i~•· ro au irn•prPl'l-lihlf• contliet between them, vd.1ie:l1 l ';HI onh tt-rminate in the subjugation of one or the other. Hepelling the dodrine that any Htnte can rightfully 1<t>1·ede from till' l'nion. tLey 1.toltl next .in ullhorrence that ag– gn·11~in:• nnd fanatkal sectional policy which has so largely contributt>d to th1>111·1•sent danger of the !"Ountry. The.'· pro– po*-. the1't!forP. to invite to union with them all citizens of l''hatever party. wl111, l>t-lieving in these news. will act with them to SE'l'.'tlre honest administration in Federal and State al'f':1ir;,. a rigid maintenance of the C'onRtitution, economy ·in publi1· expenditures. honest.'· in the award of contracts, jusrke to the sohlit>r in the tield and the taxpayer at home. nod thl' t'Spnlsion nf curnipt men from office.'' 3 It tnH1 har4ll_y to he expected, perhaps, that Dean Rich111oml and '1ther rt>(1te!lt>ntath·es of a great party would be ••illing. '•ven if moved b.'· no other motive than a love of <'onntry. to ahnndon a political organisation that had ex– isted for years, and that had already shown its patriotism by the generous enlii'ltment or its members; but it is doubt– ful if they would have proclaimed, witho11t the guidance of a State c-om-ention, sud1 an elaborate and positive. platform of prindples, had not t~ serious defeat at Bull Run and the action or the President in suspending the WTit of habeas cor-putJ, subjeded the national Administration to severe eriticism. This, at lea(.;t, ~·as the view taken by the radical Republiean press. whi(·h viciously attacked the patriotism of Ril·hmond and his associates, charging them with using the liveey of DemO<'racy to serve the cause of treason.' In the midst of these developments the Democratic State ronTention. made up of a larger number of old men than mmal, :11'!11embled at 8yracuse on September 4. It was not an enthusiastic body. The division upon national affairs •New York Herald, August 9, 1561. •New York Tribu11e, August 10.

1861] DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVEKTlON 17 plainly had a depressing- influence. Francis Kernan became temporai·y chairman. At the Oneida ba1-, Keman, then forty·five years old, had been for nearly two decades the peer of Hiram Denio, Samuel Beardsley, Ward Hunt, and Joshua Spencer. He was a forceful speaker, cool and self-possessed, with a pleasing voice and good manner-. He could not be called an orator, but he was a master of the art of making a perfectly clear statement, and in defending his position, point by point, with never failing readiness and skill, he had few if any superiors. He belonged, also, to that class of able lawyers wbo are never too busy to take an active in· terest in public affairs. In bis brief address Kernan cJearly outlined the position which the Democracy of the whole country was to occupy. " It is our duty," he said, " to oppose abolitionism at the North and secession at the South, which are equally making war upon our Government. Let us consign them both to a common grave. NeYer will our country see peace unless we do. . . . We care not what men are in charge of the Government, it is our duty as patriots and as Democrats to protect and presene that Go\•ernment, and resist with arms, and, if need be, with our Jives, the men who seek to over– throw it; but this must be no war for the emancipation of slaves." G The vigor of Kernan as a speaker and presiding officer exaggerated by contrast the feebleness of Herman J . Red· field, the permanent president of the <>Onvention. Redfield was an old man, a mere reminiscence of the days of DeWitt Clinton, whose speech, read in a low, weak voice, was di– rected mainly to a defence of the sub·treasury plan of 1840 and the tariff act of 1846. 6 He professed to favour a vigor– ous prosecution of the war, but there were no words of repro- •New York Tl"ib1111e, September 5, 1861. • "From what lodge in some vast wilderness, from what lone mountain in the desert, the convention obtained its Rip Van Winkle president, we are at a loss to conceive. He evidently has never heard of the Wilmot Proviso struggle of 1848, the compromise con-

~EW P.'l..RTY ALIGNMENTS [CUAP. ll. batiou for its authm'l!, while he expressed the belief that .. •.·i\il war will m•n•r pre~ene, but fore,·e1· destroy the union of ~latt's." This was the prophel'y or Reuben H. Walworth, the t>X·«hanel'llor, made i1t the Albany peace convention in the pr1•1·t•ding .Jauuar'_\", and the applause that greeted the !itati>1111>ut tlwu. as it <lid at ~yracuse, indicated a disposition on tlu• ptu·t of many to fa\·our coneessions that would excuse if it did IWf ~.i1~olntt•ly justify seeession. Tlie party platform, however, took little notice of the RedfiehJ !l[lt-t>t·h and the Redfield eheers. It declared that the right of ~t·t·est<ion did not an.rwhere or at any time exist; that tlJ(' l>IPiZUre of rnited ~tateS property and the Sen.ding out of prirntf.'t'rs to pl'E'y on Americ-an eommerc-e had pre· d1•itated the war: and that it w-as the duty of the govern– ment to put 4lown rPbellion with all the means in its power, and the dut~' uf the people to rall,1 about the government; but it ahio demanded that Congress rall a convention of all the ~tates to revise the Constitution. and that the Adminis– tration abandon the narrow platform of the Chicago con– \·ention, expel C'Ol'rupt men from offiee, and exclude advocates of abolition from the Cabinet, declaring that it would " re– gard any attempt to pervert the conflict into a war for the emandpation of sla\·es as fatal to the hope of restoring the enion.'' The debate upon the platform was destined to bring into prominence a broader 1oyalty than even Francis Kernan had exhibited. Arpha:xed Loomis moved to restore the resolu– tion, expun~ll in the C'Ommittee's report, protesting against the passport system. the State police system, the suppression te!'.t of 1850. the :hs.m1as-Xebra11ka A<'t of 1854. the Lecompton con– uitution ot 18158, nor the pre11identia1 election of 1860. It is plain th:;t he hn~ nen~r even dreamed of the sec-ession ordinances and of. the fall of Surnter."'-~ew York Trib1ml'. September 6, 1861. "The speech of Mr. Redfield is universally laughed at. He has oompletely proven that he does not. belong to the present century, or, at least, that he has been asleep for the last twenty years. Barnum 11hould deposit it among the curiosities of his shop."-New York Hmi14, September 5, 1861.

1861] WAR METHODS RESENTED 19 of free discussion in the press, and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. It is doubtful if the freedom of the press had been materially abridged, since restrictions upon a few newspapers, charged with giving aid and comfort to the enemy, scarcely exceeded the proscription of anti-slavery papers before the war. The suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, however, furnished better grounds for complaint. Men were apprehended, often on the telegram of Secretary Seward, and committed to prison, without any offence being charged or an examination being mude. Among others ar– rested were two men at Jfalone, besides an editor of the New York Netrs, and a crippled newsboy who sold the News. Public sentiment generally sustained the Administration in such action, but many persons, including conservative Re– publicans, frequently questioned the right or justice of such procedure. "\\'hat are we coming to," asked Senator Trum– bull of Illinois, "if arrests may be made at the whim or the caprice of a cabinet miniRtf>1•?" 1 Loomis, in insisting upon his resolution, had these arbitrary arrests in mind, main– taining that it embodied the true principles of Democracy, which he was unwilling to see violated without recording a protest. ' "Lieber says that lwbe-as corpus, free meetings like this, and a free press, are the three elements which distinguish liberty from despotism. All that Saxon blood has gained in the battles and toils of two hundred years are these three things. But today, Mr. Chairman, every one of them is annihilated in every square mile of the republic. vVe live to-day, every one of us, under martial law. The Secretary of State puts into his bastile, with a warrant as irresponsible as that of Louis, any man "·ham he pleases. And you know tbat neither press nor lips may venture to arraign the government without being silenced. At this moment at least one tho11sand men are 'bastiled ' by an authority as despotic as that of Louis, three times as many as Eldon and George IH seized when they trembled for his throne. For the :first time on this continent we have pasgports, which even Louis Napoleon pro– nounces useless and odious. For the :first time in our history government spies frequent our citie~."-Lecture of Wendell Phillips, delivered in New York, December, 1861.

20 NEW PAHTY ALIGNME::l'TS [CHAP. II. This brought to his feet Albert P. Laning of Buffalo. Be was younger by a score of years than Loomis, and although never as prominent, pe1'haps, as tlle great advocate of legal reformative measures, his remarkable memory and thorough grasp of legal principles had listed him among the strong lawyers of Western New York. To the convention he was well known as a deal', forceful speaker, who had been a student of political histor~· as well as of Jaw, and who, in spite of his ardent devotion to his profession, had revealed, when shaping the poliey of his party, the personn.l gifts and remarkable power of sur-;tn ine<l argument that win ad– miration. At Syraeuse, in 1861, Laning, just then in hifl early forties, was in the i'ulner-;s of his intellectual power. He had fol– lowed Douglas and favored the Crittenden Compromise, but the fall of Sumter crippled his sympathy for the Houth and stiffened his support of the Federal ad1nini:-.trntion. More– over~ he understood the difficulty, during a period of war, of conducting an impartial, constitutional opposition to the policy of the Administration, without its uegeneration foto a faction, which at any moment might be shaken hy in– ter-est, prejudice, or passion. The motion of Loomis, there– fore, seemed to him too narrow, and he opposed it with elo– quence, maintaining that it was the duty of an good men not to embarrass the Government in i-;uch a crisis. Rathe1· tllan that bold rebellion should destroy the gov-ernm<"llt, he said, he preferred to allow the President to take hif! own course. The responsibility was upon him, and the people~ irrespective of party, should :;;trengihen his hands until danger had disappeared and the government was ret;stab– lished in all its strength. Kernan did not take kindly to these sentiments. J~ike Loomis he resented arbitrary arrests in Rtates removed from actual hostilities, where the courts were open for the regu– lar administration of justire, and with a few ringing ~entences he threw the delegates into wild cheering. Thongh brief, this speech resulted in restoring the Loomis resolution

1861] THE CONVENTIO~'S WORK CRITICISED 21 to its place in the plam:mn, and in inei·easing tile clamour that Kernan lead the party as a candidate for a.ttorney– general. Kernan was n ot avetse to taking office. For three ;years, from 1856 to 1859, he had been otlkial reporter for the Coutt of Appeals, and in 18GO sened in the Assembly. Later, he entered Congl'ess, finally reaching the United States Senate. But in lS~l prudence prompted him to de– dine the tempting offer of a nomination for atto1·ney-gcn– eral, an<l although entreate<l to rctonsider his determina– tion, he stubbornly resisted, and at last fo1·ced the nomina– tion of Lyman Tremaine of Albany, who had previously held the office.8 The work of the convention did not please all members of the party. To some the drift of the speeches and resolutions .seemed an encouragement to armed rebellion; to others, al– though jealous of indfridual rights, it appeared to confuse the liberty of the i}ress with license. One paper, an able :representarive of the party, disclaiming any desire u to 1'€– kindle animosities by di>ic-ussing its various objectionable points," felt "bound to express its heartfelt repugnance of the malignant and traitorous spirit which animates the Loomis resolution." 9 Tliese were severe words, showing that others than I.aning opposed such criticism of the Presi– dent. Dean Richmond's refusal to unite in a Union convention did not stifle the hope that many Democrats might partici– pate in such a meeting, and to afford them an opportunity a People's convention met at V\rieting Hall in Syracuse, on September 11, contemporaneously with the Republican State convention. It became evident that the purpose was attained •The State ticket was made up as follows: Secretary of State, David R. Floyd Jones of Queens; Judge of the Court of Appeals, George F. Comstock of Onondaga: Comptroller, George F. Scott of Saratoga; Attorney-General, Lyman Tremaine of Albany; Treas– urer of State, Francis C. Brouck of Erie: Canal Commissioners, .Jarvis B. Lord of Monroe, William W_ 'Vright 0£ Ontario;· State Prison Director, William C. Rhodes of New York. •:New York Leader, September 9, 1861.

22 NEW PARTY ALIGNMENTS [CHAP. n. when the Democrats present declared that the banner of their former party no longer marked a place for them to muster. In character the members resembled determined Abolitionists in the forties. Its president, Thomas G. Al· vord of Onondaga, had been speaker of the Assembly, a com· petitor of Gordon Granger for Congress, and a pronounced Hard Shell until the repeal of the Missouri Compromise drove him into the camp of the Softs. One of the delegates, James B. ~IrKean, was soon to lead the Sixty-seventh Regi– ment to the field; another, Alexander S. Diven of Chemung was to enter Congress, and subsequently to distinguish him– self at Antietam and Chancellorsville at the head of the One Hundred and Seventh; other participants, conspicuous in their respective localities, were to suffer bitterly and struggle bravely to maintain the Union. One delegate sung the " Star Spangled Banner/' while the others, with radiant faces, broke into cheers. This was followed by several brief and vigorous speeches approving the war and the methods by which it was conducted. " There is no medium, no half way now," said one delegate, "between patriots and traitors.10 This was the sentiment of the platform, which waived all political divisions and party traditions, declar– ing that the convention sought only, in this hour of national peril, to proclaim devotion to the Constitution and Union, and to defend and sustain the chosen authorities of the government at whatever cost of blood and treasure. Rumours of Daniel S. Dickinson's nomination had been in the air from the outset. He had been much in the public eye since the 20th of April. In his zeal for the Union, said the Tribune, "his pointed utterances have everywhere fired the hearts of patriots." Freedom from the blighting in· fluence of slavery seemed to give him easier flight, and hi::; criticism of the Democratic convention was so felicitous, so full of story and wit and ridicule and the fire of genuine patriotism, that his name was quickly upon every lip, and bis .happy, homely hits the common property of half the 16 New York Tribune, September 10, 1861.

1861] A PATRIOTIC PEOPLE'S CO:NVEXTIOX 23 peovle of the Htate.11 The mention of his name for attorm·,v· general, therefore 1 evoked the lllo1:>t enthu:-;ia:;tk ~ll>J.llamw. 8ince the constitutional convention of 18-Hi it hnd been the custom, in the absence of a candidate for governor, to write the name of the nominee fo:: 8e<:l'€~ar.'" of state at the head of the ticket ; but in this instan<:e the committee deemed it wise to nominate for attorney-general first and gh·e it to the man of first importance. The nomination p1·oved a popu· lar hit. Instantly Ryracuse and the State were ablaze, and Republican as well as many Democratic papers prophesied that it settled the result in Xo>ember. The con>ention pro– fessed to discard party lines and traditions, and its sin– cerity, thus put early to the test, did much to magnify its work, since with marked impartiality it placed up<>n its ticket two Hards, two Softs, one American, and four Re– publicans.12 Whenever the People's con>ention recessed delegates to the Republican convention immediately took control. Indeed, fiO d osely related were the two assemblies that specta– tors at one became delegates to the other. Weed did not attend the com·ention, but it adopted his conciliatory policy. "The popular fiat has gone forth in opposition, on the one hand, to secession and disunion, whether in the shape of adive rebellion, or its more insidious ally, ad>ocacy of an inglorious and dishonourable peace; and. on the other. to everything that saYors of abolition. or tends towarcls a ,·io· Jation of the guarantees of sla,·e property pro>ided by the Constitution." 13 " Dickinson's Ithac-a speech, del!~ered the d:i.y after the Dt!mo– cr11tic convention adjourned. is printed in full in the New York Trih1111e of September 10, 1861. "The ticket was as follows: Attorney-general. Daniel S. Dick· inson of Broome; Secretary of State, Horatio Ballard of ('ort?and; Comptroller, J,ucius Robinson of C'hemung: Trea ~urer. William B. Lewis of Kings; Court of Appea ls, \Yilliam B. Wright, Sullivan; Canal Commissioner!:, Franklin A. ..\!berger of Erie and Benjamin F . Bruce of ~ew York: State En~dneer. William B. Taylor of Oneida; State Prison Inspe<'tor, ..i.bram B. Tappan of Westchester. u New York Herald (editorial), September 13, 1861.

RkJQdWJsaXNoZXIy NzQwMjQ=